MOSCOW. (Sergey Markedonov, for RIA Novosti.) The Georgian minister on conflict settlement, Georgy Khaindrava, called the recent meeting between the leaders of Abkhazia and South Ossetia a "statehood game."

While Georgian officials continue to describe political developments in the breakaway republics in this way, Abkhazia is taking a number of very important political steps that, if successful, may give its cause a boost.

Sukhumi has changed its policy in its eastern part, primarily in the Gala district, and now advocates the social, economic, and civic integration of this area with its predominantly Megrel population. (For Tbilisi, Megrels are Georgians).

The Gala district has always been isolated in Abkhazia. In the last years of the Soviet Union local non-Abkhazians accounted for more than 90% (the average for Abkhazia is 45.7%). Megrel refugees started returning after the war. With their traditional peasant mentality, the Gala Megrels have not been fanatics of "Georgianization," and are quite tolerant of any rule that would guarantee them a minimum of security and an opportunity to follow traditional trades. Moreover, for all its patriotic rhetoric, Tbilisi has always looked down on the Megrels; most Gala Megrels have failed to find a niche in the Georgian capital.

For a long time the Abkhazian authorities also used the "leftover principle" to fund the Gala district. As a deputy to the Abkhazian parliament put it, "the budget of the Gala district is smaller than that of a Sukhumi kiosk."

This policy led to the district's economic and social isolation and its steady orientation toward Georgia's western areas, giving Tbilisi an excuse to talk incessantly about discrimination against local Georgians.

The presidential elections of 2004 were a turning point in Sukhumi's policy towards Abkhazia's eastern regions. Most residents of the Gala district displayed considerable interest in the voting, and explained their choice by a longing for basic order, thus demonstrating their loyalty to the unrecognized republic on a large scale. Control over the voting and vote-counting in the Gala district was a moment of truth for Abkhazian civil society groups. Activists had opposed the lack of progress in this most problematic district, and in many respects they were shown to be right.

Today the political, social, and economic integration of the Gala district is one of the key issues for Abkhazia. The task of establishing full sovereignty is being raised at higher levels. This implies guarantees of security, normal collection of taxes by the authorities rather than criminals, tuition in Abkhaz, Russian, and Mengrel, and involvement of local Megrels in local government. These measures aim to turn Megrels into fully fledged citizens of Abkhazia. Non-governmental organizations from Sukhumi have also embarked on a whole number of social and humanitarian projects, primarily, in the sphere of education.

If Abkhazia succeeds in implementing its "new eastern policy," it will cease to be the ethnic property of the Abkhazian elite. Megrels will become new loyal citizens in the unrecognized republic, instead of being Tbilisi's fifth column. Abkhazia will become a multiethnic community, respecting minority rights and languages, at institutional level. It will be much easier for Abkhazia to conduct a dialog on gaining recognition, because until recently its self-determination was rejected by the world community for a very solid reason: Abkhazia became a state by the expulsion of the ethnic Georgian majority.

Moreover, the Abkhazians will be in a position to announce that they have solved the problem of refugee repatriation. By international standards the problem of homecoming is considered solved if the refugees receive guarantees of security and opportunities for self-development. Successful incorporation of the Gala district will help implement this goal.

Thus, Abkhazia stands to gain from acquiring a loyal Megrel population, because it will be able to turn its conflict with Tbilisi from ethnopolitical strife into a status issue. In this case the conflict will be seen not as struggle of Abkhazian ethnic nationalists with Georgians but as confrontation between Abkhazian citizens and the ambitions of the Georgian state. Abkhazia's ability to position itself as a multiethnic state rather than a republic for the Abkhazians will also facilitate the international recognition of the republic.

If Abkhazia presents itself as having a "superior race" from among its dominant population, it will be doomed to marginal status. Thus there is no alternative to Sukhumi's "new eastern policy."

Sergey Markedonov is head of the department of ethnic relations at the Institute of Military and Political Analysis

The opinions expressed in this article are those of the author and may not necessarily represent those of RIA Novosti.