What the Russian papers say

MOSCOW, January 18 (RIA Novosti)

Novye Izvestia

Foreign Minister promises no dramatic changes in NGO activities

Fears and concerns related to changes Russia has introduced to its laws regulating the activities of NGOs are caused by a mistaken interpretation of similar legislation in leading Western democracies, Russian Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov wrote in an open letter published by Novye Izvestia.

"In reality, there will be no dramatic changes in NGO activities after the new law is adopted," Lavrov said in the letter, dated December 26, 2005.

He cited a number of articles from the European Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms, the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights in attempts to dispel worries about the bill "contradicting international law in a number of clauses."

The minister said many of the recommendations made by the Council of Europe's experts had been taken into account when finalizing the document. "The general conclusion of the CE examination of the Russian bill was that the requirement of NGO registration is in line with European standards, while financial control over their activities is a common European practice," he wrote.

He dismissed allegations of the bill envisaging "a system of burdensome control, supervision and accountability" over NGOs activities and cited examples in the laws of France, the United States, Israel and Finland. The 240 questions founders of an NGO have to answer when registering with the tax authorities of the state of New York "literally turn the NGO's ideology and financial structure inside out," he wrote.

The part of the bill that contains criteria for refusing to register an NGO or dissolving it "follows legislative practices of developed democracies to the greatest extent," Lavrov wrote.

Gazeta.Ru

Putin signs controversial NGO bill

Russian President Vladimir Putin signed the controversial bill on NGOs under mysterious circumstances. Although he made the decision to sign the bill to sign the bill January 10, the Kremlin did not announce it until German Chancellor Angela Merkel left Russia.

It turns out that Putin has approved the NGO document because its text was published by the official Rossiiskaya Gazeta on January 17. "This bill is not urgent and will therefore come into force 90 days after publication. Moreover, we have met the seven-day publication deadline," said Timofei Kuznetsov, Rossiiskaya Gazeta deputy chief editor. "Our Web site offers all the essential materials and journalists already know enough about the NGO bill," the Kremlin press service noted.

"I believe that the Kremlin did not report the signing of the bill because of Angela Merkel's visit," said political scientist and INDEM Foundation President Georgy Satarov. In his opinion, the priority was to downplay possible criticism during her visit because of uncertainties surrounding the bill. Some Western NGOs wrote a letter to Merkel on the eve of her visit and asked the German leader to convince Putin not to sign the document. Contrary to expectations, the German chancellor did not openly rebuke Putin for the bill. She merely suggested a wait-and-see attitude.

Now that Merkel has left Russia, there is no alternative, but to accept the new regulations. From now on, the Federal Registration Service will watch over all foreign and Russian NGOs. Foreign NGO offices and subsidiaries will have to notify local authorities on all registration matters. In addition, they must provide information about their action programs, financial appropriations and partner organizations on Russian territory. For their part, Russian public organizations are duty-bound to notify the Federal Registration Service on all foreign funds and their subsequent disbursement.

Kommersant

Russia may shelter Slobodan Milosevic

It may be decided Wednesday if Russia will receive the former Yugoslav President Slobodan Milosevic for medical treatment. If the International Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia accepts Russia's guarantees that Milosevic will return to The Hague after treatment, he will most likely be allowed to be admitted to a clinic in Moscow. But, according to the newspaper Kommersant, the former Balkan ruler may seek asylum in Moscow.

The tribunal's panel of judges has demanded that Russia guarantee the accused will return to The Hague after his course of treatment is completed. But Moscow seems to be dragging its feet.

According to sources close to the Kremlin, Moscow does not have a unified view on the advisability of inviting the Balkan politician.

On December 9, 2005, largely due to the efforts of the influential pro-Milosevic lobby, the Russian Duma adopted a special statement with an appeal to show mercy to the gravely ill Milosevic, on trial for war crimes and crimes against humanity.

It looks as though it is not only a matter of rendering medical assistance to the former president. During his stay in Russia some weighty "reasons" may crop up for granting him assylum, such as a sharp deterioration in his health or a categorical personal refusal to find himself back "at the mercy of prejudiced judges". For their part, the friends of Milosevic family in Russia may rouse public support in defense of the former president and ultimately prevent his extradition to The Hague. If, however, the main accused of the tribunal fails to return to the courtroom, spending instead the rest of his days somewhere near Moscow, the trial will become meaningless.

But such an outcome could have a substantial drawback. By violating its international commitments on cooperation with the tribunal, Russia risks becoming involved in a serious conflict with the West. The Balkan politician is the only party that stands to gain from the situation, as he has always built his strategy around attempts to bring confrontation between Russia and the West and derive maximum benefit for himself from their scuffles.

Vremya Novostei

Moldova, Gazprom agree on gas prices

Gazprom has completed negotiations on gas supplies in 2006 with CIS member states.

Late last Monday, the Russian energy giant's CEO Alexei Miller and Moldovagaz director general Gennady Abashkin signed contracts on gas supplies to Moldova in the first quarter of 2006. Until recently, the republic has been literally freezing, because Gazprom suspended gas supplies after the parties had failed to agree on gas prices.

Chisinau will buy Russian gas at $110 per 1,000 cu m until March, instead of the $160 initially demanded by Gazprom. During this period, the Russian monopoly and the Moldovan government will agree on terms of compensating the $50 discount from the market price with assets. The country will save as much as $40 million during the first quarter. However, if the parties fail to agree on assets transfer, it will have to reimburse the money to Gazprom.

Oleg Reidman, the Moldovan president's aide, said Tuesday that the government had agreed to reduce its stake in Moldovagaz from 34% to 26% and hand it over to Gazprom. The Russian giant currently holds 50% plus one share in the national gas distribution company and the Transdnestr republic owns 13%.

President Vladimir Voronin described the price of Russian gas as acceptable and in line with the spirit of mutually beneficial cooperation, his press service said Tuesday. "The achieved agreements are the triumph of pragmatism and true market relations, as well as of transparency. We understand the scheme of price formation and gas deliveries to Moldova," the service said.

Voronin noted that the contract was signed directly with Gazprom and not with an intermediary, as had been the case with Ukraine.

At the same time, Gazprom is unlikely to accept a compensation of 8% from Moldovagaz. To keep the price level for the duration of the year, Chisinau will have to offer something else. Earlier, the Russian monopoly had its eye on power generation facilities owned by the Moldovan government.

Biznes

Moscow to increase spending on G5 fighter

Sukhoi, a leading Russian aircraft manufacturer, plans to conduct flight tests of its heavy-duty, fifth-generation fighter in 2007. This program will receive far greater appropriations this year. The possible involvement of foreign partners should make this plane popular on the market, experts say.

"We will simultaneously develop a lighter single-engine aircraft," said General of the Army Vladimir Mikhailov, commander of the Russian Air Force. However, aircraft manufacturers were dismayed in connection with this statement.

"The state arms procurement program stipulates only one warplane, the heavy fifth-generation fighter. A separate order is needed to produce a light-engine aircraft," a source close to Sukhoi said. "The fifth-generation fighter will be a heavy aircraft. And this program has received a lot of money from the federal budget," said Konstantin Makiyenko, deputy director of the Center for Analysis of Strategies and Technologies.

The market situation implies that Moscow should develop both a light-engine plane and a heavy fighter. "Technically speaking, the Russian Air Force should operate 30-ton and 20-ton fighters," said a source inside the national defense industry.

India and France could help develop a light-engine warplane. "The new aircraft could become popular on the market because many countries would choose non-American planes a priori," the source said.

"Russia needs a heavy-duty fighter as a national weapons system because our weaponry and electronics have always been bulky. Moreover, Russian warplanes can operate from local airfields, whose quality leaves a great deal to be desired," the source said.

The fifth-generation fighter will differ considerably from its predecessors. It will boast highly integrated avionics and artificial intelligence and will possess low visibility and super-agility characteristics. Its pilots will also be able to maintain supersonic cruise speed without relying on the after-burner.

Nezavisimaya Gazeta

Russians tired of democracy - sociologists

A radical shift in public mentality has been noted this year. Numerous polls, which are regularly held by respected state services, show that people have become much more conservative politically and some of them even support the idea of a czar. The state has been working hard to create a civil society, but the people ignored its efforts, preferring patriarchal values instead.

The virus of doubt in the democratic choice of Russia has spread to the electorate and perestroika liberals, who are leaving right-wing parties to join the semi-monarchical Untied Russia.

The most famous defectors of the recent past are Pavel Krasheninnikov, head of the State Duma committee for constitutional law and state development (SPS), Mikhail Moskvin-Tarkhanov, a member of the Moscow City Duma (Yabloko) and his colleague Lyudmila Stebenkova (SPS).

The most far-sighted of the deputies, who changed his political affiliation after the latest elections, was Vladimir Platonov, the current chairman of the Moscow City Duma. He withdrew from SPS in 2002, claiming that factions were impermissible in the Moscow Duma. But today he represents one of them, United Russia, which ensured his re-election last fall.

During the past year and in the first weeks of 2006, the Public Opinion Foundation has held about 30 polls on political issues. The VTsIOM national public opinion research center asked people about their political preferences more than a hundred times last year. Such polls are expensive and are ordered mostly by the national leadership, which wants to gauge the public mood.

State officials use poll results to develop policies and plan the country's future. The results were a gradual termination of elections, the strengthening of control over NGOs and a limit on opposition demonstrations. It seems that all of this suits the aspirations of the people.