Sergei Ivanov's new post has made him equal in status to another presidential hopeful, Dmitry Medvedev.
It was probably a timely decision, as the recent growth of Medvedev's popularity rating has made the behind-the-scenes struggle in the top echelons too predictable. It was even rumored that Medvedev used the consulting services of Alexander Voloshin, the former chief of the Kremlin staff and the Russian regime's "gray eminence."
As for ordinary Russians, Medvedev's lead had taken the intrigue out of the battle for the presidency.
By leveling off the candidates' status, Putin has solved quite a few, broader problems. Ivanov held an exceptionally important post, but with a limited number of responsibilities (the defense ministry). He has now been charged with an even more important function.
His appointment was made public a week after the president's harsh statement delivered at the 43rd Munich Conference on Security Policy, where he was joined by Ivanov. Putin said at the conference that he did not like the modern world order and the place Russia was assigned in it.
At the same time, Ivanov's new appointment is directly connected with the president's meeting with members of the Russian Union of Industrialists and Entrepreneurs. Russia's aspirations for the role of a world leader will not be realized on their own. To be able to stop begging and to start elbowing its way onto the world markets, the country needs a powerful modern economy.
A raw-materials superpower does not make sense, and neither do huge gold and currency reserves in a country where ordinary people have little or no access to the benefits of modern civilization.
However, Russia has been living with these drawbacks for years, and now the president has declared the need to diversify the economy and to propel it onto the path of development through innovation. Russia's huge scientific, technological, cultural and educational potential should be put to use, at long last, and the driver on this path could be the defense industry, which has always been a technological leader and which the new first deputy prime minister knows very well.
By all appearances, Ivanov has been assigned to the post in order to spur Russia along the path of innovation.
So, which of the candidates is now in a better position for the presidential race? Both, I would say, as they have been set equally important, although different, goals.
Russia has become a country of oases spread unequally, from Kamchatka in the Far East to Kaliningrad on the Baltic Sea. Between them are large areas of burnt-out land where nothing has grown for years.
Medvedev is working hard to reduce the number of dead areas and increase the number of oases of life, in a bid to sew the thin patches of prosperity into a viable economic and cultural fabric. He is doing this by introducing the Internet in some areas, bringing medical equipment and agricultural loans to others, and encouraging the construction of cheap housing elsewhere.
However, attaining these goals is not enough to claim global leadership. Industrialized countries are baffled by Russian problems because they have no such problems.
Ivanov's task is to promote innovation and encourage the people, whose prosperity is growing, to use their forgotten skills to make the spurs Ivanov needs for attaining his goal. Unfortunately, many talented Russian scientists have emigrated, engineers have gone into business, and skilled workers have become disillusioned.
In short, Ivanov's new task is highly complicated and includes technology, production and personnel.
At first glance, Medvedev's position is better in terms of the presidential race. He has the ability to regularly demonstrate results, such as higher wages, the growing pace of housing construction, and increased financing of education and health care.
Ivanov cannot hope to show his achievements soon. However, I believe that his position is better than that of Medvedev, because only high technologies can propel Russia to a new, higher level of development.
And now a few words about the consolidation of power: I think the president had this goal in mind when he appointed Ivanov first deputy prime minister.
If the West works contrary to Russia's interests, Russia should create a maximally reliable structure of power to counter that trend, a highly consolidated system where the successor will carry on with the policy of his predecessor. This problem is growing increasingly important for Vladimir Putin, who is worried which turn the country will take in 2008.
To be able to attain this goal, the power structure should work like a well-oiled machine. The Russian authorities must not vacillate or give in to doubts, despite the massive criticism of Russia now being voiced for all kinds of alleged mistakes or sins. They must not permit Russia to stray from its unique national path to democracy, for this could dangerously slow down its progress.
Therefore, Putin's speech in Munich has become a kind of proclamation of the necessity (and inevitability) of creating the model of power described above, a strong, independent, self-assured and consolidated power.
The appointment of politicians who share the president's view of such a model, and who are responsible for crucial sectors in the government, to key posts should accelerate the strengthening and consolidation of power.
Putin's main goal today is to outline a clear policy for the country and ensure its implementation after 2008. In this sense, Sergei Ivanov will be his reliable ally, which explains the president's decision to expand his powers.
The opinions expressed in this article are those of the author and may not necessarily represent the opinions of the editorial board.
