MOSCOW, December 28 (RIA Novosti) President Medvedev tries on an out-of-character role/ After ten years of "sustained development" Russia posts no positive results/ Opposition parties fall victim to own exorbitant ambitions/ Sberbank demands compensation from General Motors for failed Opel sale deal

Vedomosti

President Medvedev tries on an out-of-character role

For the past eighteen months the Russian president has been trying to find an image that would make him No. 1 not only in status, but also in the public mind. Last week, Dmitry Medvedev appeared in a role usually reserved by Vladimir Putin - that of a public figure inclined to make scathing remarks and use strong language. But he is unlikely to win this war of words against his tandem partner: the next step would require using explicatives.

So far, Medvedev has not uttered a single memorable phrase. His stock of expressions does not include anything like his predecessor's masterpieces such as "to rub out in the shithouse," "snot munching" or "they won't get anything but dead donkey's ears." This logically follows from the image of the president as an intellectual who tends to address a thinking audience, not just the hoi polloi.

But Medvedev tried adopting Putin's style at the latest meeting of the commission on modernization and technological development of the economy. On the day after he announced an Interior Ministry reform, the head of state unexpectedly began teaching state corporation heads how to talk to him. Sergei Chemezov, president of Russian Technologies, speaking at the meeting, tried to argue: "I would like to comment on your remark," he said. "No, you don't need to do that. This was not a remark but a verdict," Medvedev responded. "Remarks are what you say. Everything I say is cast in granite."

Whether this was the first rehearsal for the 2012 presidential campaign or an expression of extreme irritation with top officials who still don't quite see the head of state as a top authority, the president's frustration was clearly audible.

Medvedev fired Chemezov from his pet commission on modernization for missing its meetings. Influential politician and presidential adviser Mikhail Lesin, a former press minister, lost his Kremlin job, according to an official report, for engaging in business. The unofficial version was that he tried to prevent Medvedev from pursuing his own television policy. Both men are people close to Putin.

As the year drew to a close, public rows flared out between the Kremlin and government teams: on transport tax, on trade law, and on the e-government. The staff, feeling the exasperation of their higher-ups, no longer restrained themselves.

This may just be a result of fatigue, and after the long New Year holidays the two sides will try to restore the "conflict-free ritual" of "ruling together." But as 2012 approaches, suspicion and nervousness may grow.

Vremya Novostei

After ten years of "sustained development" Russia posts no positive results

Ten years ago, Russia's first president, Boris Yeltsin, handed power over to Vladimir Putin entreating him to take care of the country. What has happened since then?

At that time, we thought all we needed to surge ahead was to pay off the post-default debts and restore order in Chechnya and in Gazprom. The large-scale reforms looked feasible and we were hoping to move on.

Unfortunately, we only moved around in circles and the only structural reform to be carried out, in the power industry, is now backtracking.

We have learned to assemble foreign cars and to take out loans to buy them. In fact, we have learned to buy many things with borrowed money and to mentally compare the profitability of ruble, dollar and euro deposits. We have also created a new airliner and built several submarines.

But in terms of developing our political system, we have actually slid back to a one-party system.

While urging political stability, we have emasculated the essence of federal elections.

While advocating bureaucratic discipline, we have cancelled gubernatorial elections.

The actions taken against the opposition NTV channel in 1999 have ruled out any possibility of independent television channels.

We used to say that a private owner is more effective than the state, but we are now working daily to prove that the state is at least a fairer owner.

In short, we have become convinced and have tried to convince the world that one can live in a totally corrupt state.

Most importantly, a decade of "sustained development" and easy living thanks to a favorable global economic situation have taught us not to look into the future. We understand our place in history: We have a great past and a chance to become a regional power in the future. We have accepted that Russia is unlikely to catch up with the world's leading countries in terms of economic development.

It is funny that the authorities have come up with a new slogan, "Forward, Russia," after a decade of post-Yeltsin rule. The country badly needs modernization, but lacks an impetus that could encourage it to brace up for it.

Moskovsky Komsomolets

Opposition parties fall victim to own exorbitant ambitions

One of the most important events of 2009 was the "post-election" campaign launched in the wake of the October 11 parliamentary vote. Several days after the election, the opposition parties that lost - the Communist Party (KPRF), A Just Russia and the Liberal Democratic Party (LDPR) - walked out of parliament claiming there had been flagrant violations of the procedure. However, no evidence or proof of falsified voting results followed.

So far, the Communists have filed only 17 lawsuits, and A Just Russia 14, which is not much. LDPR has not applied to court at all. "There haven't been any mass lawsuits. All we could see are individual complaints," said Dmitry Badovsky, political analyst and member of Russia's Public Chamber.

"The opposition groups, now citing pre-election polls, in fact never ordered any surveys before the vote. The results of the two polls published, both by the Levada Center, are not too far from the actual election results," said Valery Fyodorov, head of the VTsIOM national pollster.

"The opposition parties have fallen victim to their own exorbitant ambitions," Badovsky said. "At the beginning of this year, they expected to take advantage of the recession, as if the tightening economic and social situation could bring them votes without any serious effort on their part. These hopes did not come true. With the growing downturn awareness, the public began to look to the party in power and the government. People primarily pinned their hopes on the government which could minimize the repercussions of the crisis, expecting it to fulfill its social commitments."

"Unlike in Moscow, the election results were more diverse in the regions, where opposition parties put up a more intensive pre-election campaign. This could be seen as an indicator of how effectively those parties worked," concluded Georgy Fyodorov, head of the association of non-profit pro-voting rights groups Civilian Control.

Vedomosti

Sberbank demands compensation from General Motors for failed Opel sale deal

Russia's largest retail savings bank Sberbank demanded that U.S. automotive giant General Motors pay compensation for a failed deal involving the sale of a 55% stake in New GM Europe (Opel plus Vauxhall, minus Saab).

A consortium majority-owned by Sberbank of Russia (35%) and the most diversified global automotive supplier Magna International of Canada (20%) were expected to close the deal.

German Gref, the Sberbank CEO, said some 9,000 pages of contract had been drawn up over nine months of talks with GM, adding the U.S. automaker backed out on the deal two days before its planned signing.

Sberbank is ready to take its case to court, unless GM replies to its letter, Gref told the Vesti international Russian-language news channel.

In February 2009, GM announced its intention to sell a 55% stake in New GM Europe. This September, the U.S. company said the Magna-Sberbank consortium had won the bid and signed a memorandum confirming it.

Both partners offered to pay 500 million euros (21.1 billion rubles) for New GM Europe. The GM Board of Directors, which was to approve the deal, unexpectedly refused to sell the asset on November 3.

The decision came as a surprise to Opel buyers and the governments of Russia and Germany. Russian Prime Minister Vladimir Putin even mentioned GM's disrespectful attitude toward Russia. Magna's Executive Vice President Siegfried Wolf and Gref voiced their intention to demand compensation from the American company.

GM and Magna representatives could not be reached for comment on Sunday. GM Russia and CIS President Chris Gubbey said the company did not violate any commitments with regard to its partners.

Although Gref said the GM-Magna-Sberbank agreement did not stipulate any sanctions in case of a failed deal, lawyers believe that compensation can be obtained.

Gref declined to say what compensation was expected by Sberbank. This November, Wolf estimated losses at 100 million euros. "I hope we can reach an amicable settlement," Gref said.

If the deal were closed under the Anglo-Saxon based common law, valid in the United States, then the concerned parties to a preliminary agreement are not obliged to close the deal, and this means that no compensation is forthcoming, Sergei Voitishkin, a partner in the Moscow office of Baker & McKenzie, told the paper.

However, if the deal were closed under European law, then it would be possible to get compensation for the expenses incurred, including the services of lawyers and consultants during the deal's preparation, Voitishkin said.

As far as New GM Europe is concerned, this sum will not exceed 10 million euros, Voitishkin said.

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