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MOSCOW, December 8 (RIA Novosti) West to build new bridges with Moscow to Afghanistan/Russian Orthodox Church to define its relations with the state/Government ups military spending, shifts tax burden to middle class/Russia, Serbia agree key aspects of energy deal

Vremya Novostei

West to build new bridges with Moscow to Afghanistan

Islamic extremists are more confident in their demonstration to Pakistani authorities and Western allies that they are in control of the region.
After a devastating attack on Mumbai on November 27, impressive in its skill and audacity, which killed 171 people, Pakistani militants dealt a double blow to Peshawar. Last Friday evening, extremists detonated a car bomb in the city, killing 29 people. Overnight Saturday, also near Peshawar, they conducted an unprecedentedly daring attack on a cargo terminal used to supply the NATO military contingent in Afghanistan.
It stands to reason that following the recent attacks Washington and Brussels will step up their efforts to guarantee supplies for U.S. and NATO troops in Afghanistan - via Central Asia and Russia.
Moscow has already given NATO clearance to transport its non-military cargoes across Russian territory. Recently, Dmitry Rogozin, Russia's NATO envoy, said Astana and Tashkent had also agreed on overland transit details.
This leads to several conclusions, firstly, a new U.S. administration is most likely to try to avoid further confrontation with Moscow and start building bridges if only over Afghanistan. Secondly, Moscow's sympathizers in Central Asia demanding the closure of an American military base in Bishkek will be told to back down, while the West will soften its harsh rhetoric about authoritarian regimes in the region. Which, in fact, is already happening - now that stability is required, democracy "bows out." As yet the two issues cannot work side by side in Central Asia.

Kommersant

Russian Orthodox Church to define its relations with the state

On Tuesday, Patriarch Alexy II of Moscow and All Russia (1929-2008), who died on December 5, will be buried at the Cathedral of the Epiphany in Yelokhovo, Moscow.
On Wednesday, an extraordinary meeting of the Russian Orthodox Church's Holy Synod will schedule the Council of Bishops, due to elect a new patriarch.
The Council of Bishops will also have to draft new church policies.
Analysts said the Council of Bishops will have to choose one of the following ideologies, namely, conservatism, self-isolation or a relatively liberal model requiring the Orthodox Church to maintain contacts with the secular government and other religious groups and to assert its independent political stand in Russia.
Church and secular analysts said Metropolitan Kirill of Smolensk and Kaliningrad and Metropolitan Kliment of Kaluga and Borovsk were the most likely candidates to head the church.
Metropolitan Kirill, who also heads the External Church Relations Department of the Moscow Patriarchate, is currently the most public religious leader in Russia.
His department helped to settle conflicts in post-Soviet republics, the canonical territory of the Russian Orthodox Church.
"The ambitious Kirill is the most powerful political figure in the Russian Orthodox Church," political analyst Stanislav Belkovsky told the paper.
Father Andrei Kurayev, a well-known theologian, said Kirill had already scored his first victory. "The Holy Synod made a bold decision in electing Kirill, its youngest permanent member, as Locum Tenens of the Patriarchal See," Kurayev said.
Analysts said Metropolitan Kliment, who heads the Moscow Patriarchate's Administration, an equivalent of the secular Presidential Executive Office, was Kirill's main rival, and that those opposing Kirill may support Kliment.
"The possible election of Kliment would mean that the church is renouncing its ambition to become a political player, rather than the object of political manipulations," Belkovsky told the paper.

Nezavisimaya Gazeta

Government ups military spending, shifts tax burden to middle class

Government officials claim that the middle class is dominating and needs support and protection amid the credit crunch, but at the same time strangle it with higher taxes to subsidize certain privileged companies.
A significant percentage of incomes from "high or medium" earners are taken away from those who "can afford cars and gasoline," but not to support the unemployed, people with disabilities, pensioners or service personnel, as the prime minister said in his recent televised address. The money goes to "system-forming" companies - state banks and financial-industrial groups.
Why does the government need to squeeze more from car owners when there is no federal budget shortage? State revenue exceeded expenditure by almost 50% in January-September, the budget surplus surpassing 2.5 trillion rubles ($89 billion).
Government spending to help the poor is growing but not as fast as military spending. Defense spending accounts for 1.27 trillion rubles ($45.2 billion) out of the total planned spending in 2009 of a little over 9 trillion rubles ($320.4 billion), but this is not all: there is also the national security spending, 1.085 trillion rubles ($38.63 billion), and both areas are leaders in terms of future growth (up 23.1% from 2008 and up 30.1%, respectively.)
Out of the country's national security spending, 400 billion rubles ($14.24 billion) will be allocated for money allowances, while the rest will go to modernize the military.
Whether there is a need for this level of extravagance - defense spending close to pre-war levels - is questionable during peacetime and amid a financial crisis, especially at the expense of the majority of vehicle taxpayers.
It looks like the country is preparing for a potential war. Or, the officials are probably so keen to boost military spending that they have forgotten the needs and interests of Russians at large. Nothing will be spared to ensure prosperity for the military and security services, the defense industry included.

Kommersant

Russia, Serbia agree key aspects of energy deal

Russia and Serbia have not signed the planned deal on the acquisition of Serbia's oil and gas company NIS by Russian energy giant Gazprom. Instead the sides got a lot further at talks in Belgrade last week and signed an entire package of deals aside from the NIS purchase, the construction of a South Stream branch and an underground gas storage facility in Serbia.
Although officially an economic deal, the agreement is political and highly important to both countries.
The economic aspects of its Balkan strategy are crucial to Russia because economic and political relations in the region are closely intertwined. The Balkan countries that have created a favorable climate for Russian investment also have good political ties with Moscow irrespective of their Euro-Atlantic aspirations.
For example, Slovenia, although a NATO member, has excellent relations with Russia, and Moscow's support for Montenegro was largely encouraged by that country opening its doors to Russian investment.
Relations between Russia and Serbia have developed into a strategic partnership over the past few years, after Belgrade rethought its attitude to Russian investment. Without the rethink, Moscow's support of Serbia's struggle for Kosovo would not have been so clear-cut.
Serbia definitely understands this, which is why its energy agreement with Russia has a political context. Russia was virtually Belgrade's only political ally in the struggle for Kosovo. And although their combined efforts did not prevent Kosovo's independence, Russian support has helped Belgrade save face.
Belgrade has ensured that the UN court consider the legitimacy of Kosovo's independence, and the deployment of the EU mission in Kosovo, currently underway, is proceeding according to a plan coordinated with Belgrade.


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